PAID HOLIDAYS FOR EVERYONE IN THE 1st AUSTRIAN REPUBLIC (1918-1934) & HOW THE VIENNESE WORKING CLASS PROFITED FROM THIS NEW SOCIAL LEGISLATION

My great-uncle Karl Elzholz – on the right with my great-aunt Mitzi, his second wife and my grandmother Lola’s youngest sister

My grandfather Toni Kainz with my grandmother Lola (in the right photo Lola on the very right margin in company with friends; Toni on the left)

Both Karl Elzholz and Toni Kainz were enthusiastic amateur photographers and among their legacies are photographic documents of working-class holidays during the 1st Austrian Republic. Especially precious are two beautiful photo albums of 1919 and 1933, which illustrate this research. Most holidays of Viennese workers and members of the lower middle class were spent in the Alps at lakes and along rivers in Austria.

Karl on the left; Lola and Toni on the right

Mitzi on the left; Lola and Toni on the right

The two sisters, Mitzi and Lola on the left; Lola in front of a mountain cottage on the right

In the Austrian mountains: Lola on the left; Toni and Lola on the right

Left: The cover of the photo album of 1919 in the Austrian Alps; right: Karl’s photo album of his trip to the Mediterranean in 1933

 

Statutory holiday entitlement and working hours in Austria

In the 19th and early 20th century holidays were a privilege of the wealthy. It was a long way from the “summer retreat of the rich” at the beginning of the 20th century to mass tourism at the end of the 20th century. Originally a paid obligatory annual holiday for all employees did not exist. This was the achievement of the 1st Austrian Republic in 1919. All political parties represented in the 1st democratic Austrian parliament, which had been elected on the basis of an equal voting right system for the first time, passed the law unanimously granting a paid annual holiday between five days and five weeks to all employees. Yet, this did not mean that all employees could afford a holiday away from home. This was reserved for a small group who earned enough to pay for travel and accommodation for a few days, mostly in the vicinity of Vienna or the Austrian Alps. Around 1900 some Austrian villages established tourist associations and village beautification societies to make holidays attractive and affordable for workers on wages that allowed a brief holiday only. For those who could not pay for hotel rooms or rent villas, rooms in private houses or farms were offered as private accommodation for the less well-to-do and in mountainous regions a host of mountain cottages were built to cater for the mountaineering enthusiasts. Most holiday makers from the working class preferred hiking in the Austrian Alps, fleeing factories and crowded, polluted cities. A bed in the dormitories of mountain huts was a cheap alternative to a bed-and breakfast, for example.

After the end of the Second World War, the “Miracle Years” of 30 years of sustainable economic growth in Europe made holidays more affordable for everyone. In the 1950s the Viennese started go on camping holidays on Adriatic beaches in the north of Italy, but the majority spent their holidays in Austria, visiting historical sites and enjoying the beautiful natural landscapes of the “Wachau” along the Danube, the Carinthian lakes or the “Salzkammergut”.

So, how did this development of granting days of recreation to the working class come about in Austria? Already in ancient Greece and Rome the slaves were offered some days off work for the purpose of recreation, but this concept was not perpetuated in the following centuries. Only the nobility and the rich enjoyed summer retreats or spas or went on “grand tours” to see the historical sites of Europe in the 18th and 19th century. It was argued by the ruling classes that only those who “worked with their brains “become exhausted and “their nerves are rattled”, so they were in need of rest and recreation. The manual workers, those who worked in factories for example, did not need any vacation because their occupation was “healthy”. The entrepreneurs invested in machines, which had to run the year round to be profitable; that’s why the workers had to be at the mines and factories up to 16 hours a day, six days a week and 52 weeks a year. Sundays and Christian holidays were “hunger days” because they were unpaid. Days off work were only granted on special occasions and they were not paid.

Around 1900 the newly founded trade unions resorted to collective bargaining in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy to demand paid holidays for their exhausted workers. The first occupational groups which were well organised were the book printers and the metal workers. Consequently, they reached agreements with the employers via collective bargaining to be granted some paid days off work. In 1911 such holiday concessions were made by the entrepreneurs in sectors such as the chemical industry, the textile and food industry and the gold and silver production. In contrast to blue-collar workers, white-collar workers had been granted statutory holiday entitlements in 1910. Skilled employees were in high demand in the Austrian economy and were therefore lured to take on jobs in these booming sectors by being offered fringe benefits, such as paid holidays, which varied between 10 days and two weeks depending on the duration of their employment.

With the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the foundation of the 1st Austrian Republic in 1918 the law granting statutory vacation entitlement for all employees, blue- and white-collar workers alike, was passed in the Austrian Parliament on 30 July 1919. After employment of one year, the workers were entitled to one week of paid holidays a year and after five years of employment, two weeks of paid holidays. Young workers below the age of 16 were granted a paid holiday of two weeks from the start of their employment. Unfortunately, these legal regulations were often evaded by the employers after the introduction of the new law. Many workers were urged to forego their right to paid holidays or they were dismissed before reaching the end of their first year of employment. But in 1924 the Austrian Labour Inspectorate reported that most enterprises respected the statutory holiday entitlement, with the exception of some small businesses, which deprived their workers of paid holidays or withheld young workers from taking the holidays they were entitled to. Austrian white-collar workers managed to increase their holiday demands in 1921 to up to five weeks per year, for example journalists, civil servants, actors and employees of rural estates.

In the 1930s the Great Depression hit the Austrian economy hard and the entrepreneurs tried to repeal the law granting statutory paid holiday entitlement, but the workers resisted and went on strike. The first to go on strike were the workers in the meat industry in Graz in 1931. When in 1934 the Austro-Fascists took over control of the state, not only parties, for instance the Social Democratic Party, were forbidden, but also free trade unions and much of the social legislation, which was an achievement of the 1st Republic, was abolished, or the enterprises just ignored existing labour laws without sanctions by the Austro-Fascist government. The situation of the workers worsened during the Nazi dictatorship, which started with the “Anschluss” (takeover of Austria by the Nazis) in March 1938 and ended in the spring of 1945 with the end of World War II. During the National-Socialist (NS) dictatorship there was no longer any additional pay for overtime, Sunday or holiday work and no holiday pay. Only adolescents were offered more holidays, if they spent them in the NS youth camps, where they were indoctrinated with Nazi ideology. With the establishment of the 2nd Austrian Republic in April 1945 the statutory rights of workers of the 1st Austrian Republic were reinstated and in 1946 two new laws were introduced: first, granting blue-collar workers 12 days paid holidays per year, which could be increased to 24 days after 15 years of employment and second, young workers were entitled to 18 days paid holidays up to the age of 18, which was increased to 24 days in 1947.

In the 19th century there were no laws regulating daily or weekly working hours in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The liberal principle of absolute freedom of labour contract prevailed. The free contract of employment between employer and employee with no legal limits of working hours was sacrosanct, but in reality, no negotiations on equal terms between employer and employee existed. As a result, the daily working hours in industry, mining and artisan businesses were between 12 and 16 hours and the weekly working hours amounted up to 90 hours, while child labour was prevalent. The state only started to interfere, when the health of young people deteriorated drastically, so that the draft rates of healthy young men for the military dropped dramatically. In 1884 the first statutory regulations were passed in the mining industry by limiting the duration of a shift to 12 hours including breaks. This was followed by the factory workers in 1885 with 11 hours of maximum daily working time. Child labour was forbidden for children below the age of 12 in craft businesses and below the age of 14 in factories. Yet the majority of workers in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were employed in small family businesses and agriculture, which were exempt from these statutory regulations. Anyway, many of the enterprises did not adhere to these new labour regulations. In 1890 the newly founded Social Democratic Party demanded the “8-hour-day”:  8 hours for work – 8 hours for rest – 8 hours for leisure time (“for what we will”). But these demands could only be realised after the end of the monarchy and the establishment of the 1st Austrian Republic in 1918. The Social Democratic state secretary for social affairs Ferdinand Hanusch passed around 80 social laws between 1918 and 1919, among them the statutory holiday entitlement and the eight-hour working day, which unfortunately did not apply to workers in agriculture and forestry, who constituted a large part of the Austrian workforce, because the conservative Christian Socialist Party resisted.

Despite these new social legislations, vacations were a rare luxury for Viennese lower middle-class and working-class families. But the low rents in the newly erected social housing complexes of “Red Vienna” – the social reform period in Vienna from 1919 until 1934 – allowed some families who were lucky to be allocated such a flat, to save up for a short holiday. Furthermore, the cheap accommodation possibilities in mountain cottages and rooms in private houses and on farms in the countryside created early forms of low-cost summer tourism in the Austrian Alps and on Austrian lakes. Yet most families spent their free time in or around Vienna, in the “Prater” with its untouched nature and the fun park area, or the” Laaerberg” with the amusement park “Böhmischer Prater” or the “Heurigen” in the Vienna Woods, where the new wine was offered at affordable prices in the vineyards at the outskirts of the city. Holiday travels and mountaineering expeditions formed part of the leisure-time programme of “Red Vienna”, which wanted to offer education and experiences in nature and the enhancement of the health of the workers, while at the same time eradicating the traditional working-class vices, such as excessive drinking, smoking, gambling and unhealthy ways of life. The Nature Association “Naturfreunde” was founded as a counterpart to conservative mountaineering associations such as “Alpenverein” and “Touristenclub”.

See article: http://centraleuropeaneconomicandsocialhistory.com/the-alps-past-time-of-the-young-viennese-in-the-1920s-1930

Furthermore, the Austrian railways offered an affordable and comfortable access to the Alpine regions for Viennese workers and their families.

VIENNESE LANDSCAPES: NATURAL RECREATION AREAS FOR THE VIENNESE NON-ÉLITE IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY: THE VIENNA WOOD AND THE DANUBE


Picknick in the Vienna Wood, June 1931


A stroll in the “Prater” alluvial forest, autumn 1931

Photography was a popular and even if expensive, nevertheless an affordable hobby of the Viennese workers and the petite bourgeoisie in the first half of the 20th century. My grandfather Toni Kainz, a trained cook and waiter, innkeeper, tenant of a coffee house and fish monger, my great-uncle Karl Elzholz, a mechanic at the Viennese tramways, and my father Werner Tautz, an electrician, took many photos in and around Vienna documenting the leisure time activities of family and friends in the nature areas in the vicinity of Vienna. These photographic documents form the basis of this article which focuses on how the Viennese working class and lower middle class spent their leisure time in the extensive natural landscapes of the city in the first half of the 20th century with a special focus on the Vienna Wood and the Danube.

In the course of the 19th century social norms changed in Vienna whereby some social restrictions were eased, which meant that even low-income social groups could decide on their own how they would like to spend their rare free time. Some of the obligatory religious rituals were abolished due to the influence of the ideas of Enlightenment at the end of the 18th century. The large number of religious holidays which obliged people to participate in the respective Roman Catholic ceremonies were drastically reduced and some of the rigid controls of brotherhoods, guilds and professional trade associations, which had had a tight grip on the leisure time activities of their members and their whole households, were lifted. Festivities, even religious ones, were now more often celebrated with family and friends.

Until the 19th century the poorer classes often had to overcome nearly unsurmountable hurdles in setting up a family of their own. They needed a marriage permission from their master, landlord or employer, yet they usually lacked the means for supporting a family anyway. With the onset of industrialisations servants, maids, apprentices and guild members were no longer part of a household or tightly involved in professional organisations and could decide independently how to spend their leisure time. That’s why in the first half of the 19th century a large number of new places of amusement for the lower classes were established in Vienna; especially in the Viennese suburbs, where inns offered food and drinks in beer gardens and invited dance orchestras to play on Sundays (see article: “Viennese Suburban Inns”). These musical groups and small orchestras made the “Viennese Walz“ popular, so that a veritable “dance fever“ seized all social classes in Vienna in the 19th century. Traditional suburban inns erected large dance halls and some pubs on the outskirts of Vienna were turned into entertainment parks with swings, slides, carrousels, boats on artificial lakes and „chambres séparées“; for example in the „Kolosseum“ in Jägerstrasse (Brigittenau) “chambres séparées” were installed inside a wooden elephant. Indoor swimming pools were constructed, which could be covered and turned into ball rooms in winter, for example the “Sophienbad” in Marxergasse (Landstrasse) and the old “Dianabad” in Obere Donaustrasse (Leopoldstadt). The biggest dance hall of the time was the “Odeon” in Leopoldstadt, which could welcome 8,000 dancers. Especially during the Carnival season, the dance halls were crowded with people of the middle and lower classes.

Emperor Joseph II opened the Imperial hunting grounds in the “Prater” to the public at the end of the 18th century and soon on the grounds of this alluvial forest at the Danube pubs, coffee houses, “Pulcinella” (“Kasperl”) theatres opened and the family Stuwer staged elaborate fireworks. At the onset of industrialisation and its polluting consequences not just the well-to-do, but also the poorer classes discovered a yearning for natural landscapes and tried to flee the stifling city with its tightness, stench, noise and dust. An excursion into nature, the “Landpartie”, was the most favourite spare time activity of the lower classes on Sunday. In the first half of the 19th century the suburbs to the north and west, the Vienna Wood, could easily be reached via regular public coach services, the “Zeiserlwagen” and from there the people hiked up Leopoldsberg or Kahlenberg, for example. The well-to-do Viennese bought or rented small summer houses for spending the hot summer months in a natural surrounding in the vicinity of Vienna. As soon as tramways and railways were available, they transported the Viennese to their favourite natural landscapes for outings or the richer classes to their summer retreats (“Sommerfrische”).

Before the regulation of the Danube, the river separated into four river branches after the narrow section between Leopoldsberg and Bisamberg, west of the city. The southernmost arm, the Danube Canal (“Donaukanal”), was used for shipping goods to the city centre and was in some way regulated since the 16th century in order to keep it close to the city. The other three arms formed the alluvial landscape, which created islands that continually changed their form after every inundation. This part of the Danube could not be used for transport. The areas of Leopoldstadt (today’s 2nd district), Roßau (today’s 9th district) or Weißgerbervorstadt (today’s 3rd district) were continually threatened by catastrophic floods and the much-feared ice jam in winter. After one of the biggest ice jams in 1862 it was decided to undertake a complete regulation of the Danube in Vienna.

THE VIENNA TRAMWAY AND ITS WORKERS – A POCKET OF RESISTANCE 1889-1945

The Viennese public transport system is one of Europe’s most efficient and affordable public transport systems. It all started with the first horse-drawn tramway in 1865 that connected the former gate in the city wall “Schottentor” with the suburb of “Hernals” which was famous for its many entertainment venues where famous musicians, like the family Strauss, Josef Lanner, the “Schrammeln” and many others performed. So this tramway was built to offer the Viennese a quick and more comfortable possibility to get to their leisure activities. The fast developing network of tramways – first horse-drawn, then steam-powered, too, and finally electric – employed an increasing number of tramway workers who were an ever-present appearance in the Viennese city scape at the end of the 19th and the 20th century. Their protest against the excessive exploitation by the private tramway owners in 1889 resulted in the first wide-spread strike in Vienna and gave a boost to the newly founded socialist movement of Victor Adler. The workers of the tramways also later remained a pocket of resistance, most of all in the Austro-Fascist era 1934-1938 and then during the time of Nazi occupation 1938-1945. A monument in Vienna lists the names of 42 Fascist and Nazi victims of the Vienna transport system workers 1934-1945 (3rd district of Vienna, Kappgasse1). The tramway workers who were active Socialist party members were either dismissed in 1934 when the Austro-Fascist regime of Engelbert Dollfuß put an end to the democratic system of the 1st Austrian Republic or after March 1938 when Hitler made Austria a part of the “Third Reich”. Then all workers of the Viennese tramways who were Jews or had Jewish ancestors were not only sacked but had to flee the country, such as my great-uncle Karl Elzholz, who managed a last-minute escape to Bolivia with his wife, my great-aunt, Marianne (Mitzi), the sister of my grandmother. Those who were unable to find refuge abroad were sent to Nazi concentration camps where many of them were murdered.

Karl with Mitzi on the way to Bolivia 6 February 1939
On the back Mitzi wrote to her parents in Vienna: “We are well, getting fat meanwhile, Colombo Atlantic Ocean 06/02/1939”
The document that Karl Elzholz sent to his father-in-law in Vienna, Ignaz Sobotka, from his exile in Bolivia, authorised him to claim his redundancy package from the communal “Viennese Tramways”, which my great-grandfather, Ignaz Sobotka, never received because he was deported to the concentration camp “Theresienstadt” and which was not paid out anyway.
Sucre, Bolivia November 1946: Mitzi and her new husband Bill Stern in front and Käthe, the eldest sister of my grandmother, who had married Karl in a long-distance wedding and joined him in Bolivia, and Karl in the back.

“RED VIENNA” 1923-1933: HOUSING REFORMS

Vienna council house complex “Sandleiten” in the 16th district

For the Christian Socialists Catholicism remained the central value, whereas the focus of the Social Democrats was on a welfare system that cared for the individual from the “cradle to the grave”. By establishing numerous clubs, societies and associations they tried to build a “counter-culture” to the traditional conservative Catholic Austrian culture. The centre of this huge reform project was “Red Vienna”, which was an independent federal state since 1921 and ruled by Social Democrats. There they could realise all their ideas for a new society. The new council houses were not only symbols of a new and better life style for the working classes but also architectural landmarks. They represented the centres of this counter-culture and harboured also offices of the various clubs and party organisations. By the conservatives they were viewed as the fortresses of the left.…

“RED VIENNA” 1923-1933: SOCIAL WELFARE

Städtisches Jörgerbad, Vienna, public bath opened in 1914, built by Friedrich Jäckel, Heinrich Goldemund and Franz Wejmola

 

Three areas of social reform dominate the impressive and internationally renowned social policy of “Red Vienna”: communal social welfare, social housing and the Viennese cultural and educational policy. Mayor Karl Seitz together with the city councillors Hugo Breitner for Finance, Julius Tandler for Social Welfare and Otto Glöckel for Education started a huge reform project from 1923 to 1933 that was admired elsewhere. Breitner introduced a new tax system for Vienna that taxed people progressively according to their expenditure. A high tax was levied on “consumption of luxury and pleasure”, such as champagne, night clubs, dancing halls, horse-race betting or theatres.  The proceeds from this new tax were used for building a new welfare and healthcare system and for constructing affordable and comfortable housing and schools. Several big community housing estates built during this time still exist, nowadays inhabited by tenants with a migration background as well as by indigenous Viennese. Many people, however, opposed this “housing construction tax” and Hugo Breitner was subject to very aggressive political attacks, partly with an anti-Semitic tendency.…

FIN-DE-SIECLE VIENNA: LIVING CONDITIONS OF THE WORKING CLASS

Statistical data of the time just before the outbreak of the First World War still show a considerable amount of children below the age of 14 at work in Vienna. This seems proof of a very slow retreat of child labour in Vienna. The phasing out of child labour was more due to a change in work technology than social protest. Another important impetus for the end of child labour in Vienna was the introduction of the “Reichsvolksschulgesetz” of 1869. This law extended compulsory schooling from six to eight years. Although it has to be noted that the law stipulated several exceptions because especially working class families depended on the income of the children and a loss of this income would have jeopardised their existence. Many working class parents considered obligatory school attendance a nuisance and refused to have the state prescribe what they were supposed to do with their children. Most considered three years of schooling as sufficient. In the late 19th century compliance with obligatory school attendance was the exception rather than the rule in Vienna. Before the turn of the century the authorities executed more rigid supervision, so that by 1900 the start of work for Viennese working class children had been postponed to 12 – 14 years of age.…